The Impact of Individuals on Philanthropy in America
Part 1 of 1
Taken from the Seminar on Philanthropy, Open Estonia Fund, Tallinn, 20 April
1995.
I am indebted to Karl Popper for the passage from the Preface to the
"Saint Joan" of George Bernard Shaw:
"There are no villains in the piece. Crime, like disease, is not
interesting: .... it is what men do at their best, with good intentions, and
what normal men and women find that they must and will do in spite of their
intentions, that really concern us."
As Shaw points out, that is the stuff of tragedy as well as of achievement.
I find the history of American philanthropy best understood through
the stories of the triumphs and failures of individual men and women. Such
narratives capture both fact and interpretation; they contribute to the
writing of what the historian William H. McNeil calls
"mythistory."
The paradigm of American philanthropy reflects four interacting elements:
vision; shared values; organization; and resources. These remarks reflect on the
impact of individuals in shaping the American philanthropic tradition, but
individuals do not work alone, wherever among the four elements they might be
concentrated.
My emphasis here is on some of the best known figures in the history of
American philanthropy: the industrialist Andrew Carnegie, for one, and Jane
Addams, one of the founders of modern social work, for another. I will mention
others and then will conclude with speculation about the modern mythistorical
personality known as George Soros and his impact on the future of central and
eastern Europe.
***
A comment first about the background of American philanthropy, so often
singled out because of its great scale and broad scope; it is a mosaic of
cultural influences: many commentators have reminded us that the Pilgrims who
arrived in America in 1620 owed their very survival to native American Indian
charity and philanthropy; our civil rights movement is indebted to the genius of
Mahatma Gandhi; the ancient Middle East gave us the philanthropic wisdom of
Egyptians, Jews, Greeks, and Romans; Islam passed along to us the wisdom of
classical civilization; basic teachings of the Buddha and Confucius blend with
folk wisdom of the slave culture, the Golden Rule, and the efficiency of
teaching someone to fish rather than giving him fish to eat. Carnegie was
influenced by the British sociologist Herbert Spencer and Jane Addams sought out
the counsel of the Russian Leo Tolstoy.
Some societies rely more heavily on voluntary action for the public good than
do others, but philanthropy is everywhere. In recent years we have seen the link
between voluntary association and the rise of democracy. The most-often-quoted
observer of American life was a Frenchman, Alexis de Tocqueville, and it is in
his Democracy in America that the distinctive role of voluntary
associations in shaping American society and character was pointed out as long
ago as 1830.
***
Andrew Carnegie wrote an essay usually entitled "The Gospel of
Wealth;" it has been called "the most famous document in the history
of American philanthropy." The first part of that essay is a reflection on
the distinctive character of American democratic capitalism; a political and
economic system that Carnegie believed to be, despite its faults, the best model
the world had yet developed. Carnegie's philanthropy was intended to empower
ordinary men and women by making knowledge and ideas conveniently available to
them. He is best remembered for providing the financial incentives to build
almost two thousand free public libraries across the United States.
Philanthropy and democracy were also closely linked in the thought of Jane
Addams. She and Carnegie were both convinced that ordinary working men and women
had to be helped and encouraged to become citizens in the fullest sense. Hull
House became a center for developing ideas about labor organization as well as
about learning English.
Carnegie saw that it was necessary to challenge local communities to become
responsible for their libraries: he granted them money to build the library
building only if they committed the community to buy the books and pay
the staff. He was not a religious man, at least in the organizational sense, but
he understood as well as any sociologist the importance of religious
congregations in building community and holding it together. Addams knew the
importance of place and of continuity: Hull House gave both focus and permanence
to her ideas. Both Carnegie and Addams understood the importance of working with
others -- both capitalized on the interest of intellectuals and business leaders
in adding credibility to their undertakings.
But Carnegie and Addams arrive late in the narrative of American
philanthropy. Before independence one should look at the writings and religious
activism of Cotton Mather, for example, whose Bonifacius: Essays on
Doing-Good was widely read and influential for decades. Benjamin Franklin,
another public teacher, was perhaps also America's first fund raiser, the first
person to think systematically about raising money from the public for
philanthropic and other purposes. Franklin's Autobiography and his even
better known Poor Richard's Almanac reveal the deep interaction of
self-interest and concern for others that permeates philanthropy in America --
and perhaps elsewhere.
The appearance of men of great wealth begins with Stephen Girard, who paved
streets of Philadelphia, risked his life in the plague, founded a school for
poor boys (and regrettably gave it a racial bias), and even provided financial
support that enabled the United States to resist Great Britain in what we call
the War of 1812. There isn't another like him until after the Civil War
(1861-65). Before and during the Civil War the eminent figure of Dorothea Dix
becomes one of the most respected voices of humanitarian assistance --
especially in behalf of the insane.
George Peabody made his fortune in England and then returned to the United
States to become a famous philanthropist. Peabody was among the first to concern
himself with the education of the American Negro. The Peabody Fund, established
in 1867 and sometimes distinguished as the first American foundation, was
devoted to southern education. Peabody influenced John D. Rockefeller, Sr., and
Julius Rosenwald, and other philanthropists grappling with the profound social
problems following from the Civil War and the abolition of slavery.
John D. Rockefeller, Sr. was Andrew Carnegie's peer; perhaps his and
Carnegie's are the two names most often associated with great wealth pursuing
philanthropy on a large scale. Unlike Carnegie, Rockefeller Senior left a family
legacy that now reaches into the fifth generation. Seldom if ever in American
history has a single family shown greater philanthropic commitment. Unlike
Carnegie, who was a philanthropic entrepreneur and innovator, Rockefeller and
his son, John, Jr., made full use of advisers and consultants. They developed
the idea of the foundation in its modern form: a large endowment invested so
that the income could be used "in perpetuity" to serve general
purposes: the well-being of mankind. The philanthropic values of a single
individual guided by strong religious beliefs have become institutionalized not
only in foundations but in the philanthropic giving of the corporations that
generated his wealth and that of his descendants.
Jane Addams represents the other main stream of American philanthropy, that
of voluntary service. A journalist, an editor and writer named Dorothy Day who
was long the voice of the Catholic Worker, stands in the same tradition
as Jane Addams and with an equally strong sense of the politics of philanthropy.
Dorothy Day also believed in a personal commitment to live among the people she
attempted to speak for. She practiced what she preached.
No single "charismatic" figure is more prominent in American
history of the 20th century than the civil rights leader and martyr Martin
Luther King, Jr. Starting from a black congregation King mobilized a broad
spectrum of Christian and Jewish activists with secular reformers behind a
Gandhian political strategy and achieved a profound and lasting change in
American life and culture -- without violence.
Ralph Nader will not appear in most narratives of American philanthropy. His
career is normally seen as political rather than philanthropic action. Yet he
appealed to the same strong moral roots as American philanthropy in challenging
the abuses and side effects of the marketplace. He confronted the great and
"powerful" corporations in the media and in the courts, and forced
them, through pressure groups and political action, to change their methods of
manufacture and to control their byproducts in behalf of consumers and citizens.
Few individuals have had a more direct and extensive impact on American life in
the twentieth century. By now, Nader's defeats are as extensive as his
victories, but citizen action will never be the same as a result of his
organizational genius and tireless persistence.
John Gardner rivals Nader in influence, working from within rather than from
outside the political and economic system. He led efforts to reform politics, to
bring new power and influence to marginal groups in the inner cities, and he and
a man named Brian O'Connell founded the national organization called Independent
Sector.
It would be well at this point to mention one of the leaders of modern
American feminism, Gloria Steinem. Steinem became the symbol of the liberated,
educated, modern woman, founded a popular and successful magazine and then
created a philanthropic foundation with the profits.
***
The conceptual idea of the United States as a "three-sector
society" is owed to several people: John D. Rockefeller III is perhaps best
credited with making possible the "Commission on Private Philanthropy and
Public Needs," which studied American philanthropy more comprehensively and
thoroughly than ever before. The Commission has become known as the Filer
Commission, reflecting its chairman, John H. Filer, a well-known and
highly-respected business leader personally committed to the idea of
"corporate public involvement."
Marian Wright Edelman, the last in this personal and quite arbitrary series,
is in the tradition of Jane Addams. She is an unusually eloquent voice in behalf
of the well-being of children. She is effective as visionary, advocate,
organizer, and fund raiser -- that is, she has become the model of the modern
multidimensional American philanthropist.
A fuller narrative of American philanthropy will also show personalities
whose vision died with them; others whose vision was partial or flawed; still
others who used philanthropy for narrow personal gain, even some whose
uninteresting criminal ends Shaw and I have chosen to ignore.
Vision, shared values, organization, and resources, used hopefully for the
public good rather than for factional purposes, often express themselves in the
personality and work of individuals. Many of the men and women whose biographies
parallel the development of the American philanthropic tradition are lost from
sight and memory; others such as those I have mentioned serve as surrogates for
a vast "benevolent empire" of good works.
***
Where will George Soros find his place in this narrative? It is perhaps
revealing that I feel free to speak of the man in his presence, especially after
one of America's best-known magazines has caricatured him for a readership of
hundreds of thousands. What outside observers like myself or other journalists
and scholars might say about George Soros and his work is likely to be
caricature, overdrawn whether in flattery, insult, or simple description. Such
has been the fate of Andrew Carnegie; such will be the fate of George Soros.
I don't know George Soros personally, having met him only once at a small
breakfast meeting at the United Nations several years ago. I have no comments to
make about him as a person. This is offered as a preliminary conclusion from
someone who, by virtue of age and sources of support, has nothing personal to
gain from his philanthropy, and can claim at least that much objectivity.
I will also caution Mr. Soros to bear in mind the famous advice of Solon to
Croesus: "Mark well the end." Or that of the baseball player Yogi
Berra (better known to Americans than Herodotus): "It ain't over until it's
over."
My conclusion is that George Soros belongs on the list of people who have
left their personal stamp on the American philanthropic tradition.
I know of no other single individual in the philanthropic tradition who set
out to influence the development of democracy and civil society on such a large
scale. Along with many of my peers I find the boldness of that undertaking
breathtaking. The vision of "open society," drawn from the work of
Soros' mentor Karl Popper, equals the best and most expansive thought of Andrew
Carnegie, whom Soros perhaps most closely resembles as a philanthropic innovator
and entrepreneur.
Soros and Carnegie and Addams are close in their understanding and commitment
to democracy, and none of them fits easily into an ideological box. All three
are pragmatic in their approach to social reality: they want to get things done,
they find "truth" in the results of their efforts.
Carnegie brought wide ranges of social opinion to his ideas, despite the fact
that some of his ideas and methods were offensive to other philanthropic
leaders. Addams did likewise, although she chose at times to force herself into
an extreme position because that seemed to her what was called for. She was
always willing to risk her personal reputation for her cause.
For the most part, Carnegie and Addams became voices for a larger and more
widely held view of philanthropy. It is not clear that George Soros has yet been
able to bring enough American philanthropic resources with him into the struggle
for open society in central and eastern Europe. There are even disturbing
reports that he will diminish his commitment in order to pursue an American
agenda, turning away from central and eastern Europe as some other foundations
have chosen to do.
It would be a great loss to the history of philanthropy if the work of the
Soros foundations faltered at this stage. It would also be a great loss to the
scholarship of philanthropy if the work of George Soros and his foundations is
not observed and recorded, criticized and evaluated, while it is still vigorous
and not yet fossilized in bureaucracy. For now, they appear to be at the center
of the action.
The "Soros foundations" have become the target of official attacks
as well as personal slander aimed not only at Soros but at his colleagues and
associates. Most of us take those attacks to be a clear sign of the success of
the Soros strategy, indications that the opponents of civil society and
democracy are most vulnerable to thought and action at the level of
neighborhood, village, town, and city.
The critics of Soros include, of course, some of those academic intellectuals
who have benefited most directly from his investment in the Central European
University. Some of the comments I have heard faintly echo the sarcasm of
Thorstein Veblen's brilliant book, The Higher Learning in America. Veblen
attacked the allegedly insidious influence of John D. Rockefeller, founder of
the University of Chicago where Veblen had managed to find employment. A
distinguished historian at Columbia University once commented that it is in the
nature of the academic to bite the hand that feeds it.
No philanthropist who makes major financial commitments to advance political
and social ideals and values will escape criticism. Achievements will be hard to
measure and every misstep is likely to be reported in exaggerated terms. There
is an interesting bias against wealth in the United States, an obligation to
scorn the wealthy patron to prove one's own integrity. George Soros is likely to
be accused as the source of "tainted money" that could compromise the
purity of scholarship.
The test of George Soros will be the toughness of his own commitment
to the ideas he has urged upon the people of central and eastern Europe. Many of
us who share his ideas now share his commitment and hope that all of us will
stay the course. If there is anything that liberals and conservatives in the
United States might share, it is hope for the future of civil society,
democracy, and philanthropy in this part of the world. |