The Varieties of Philanthropic Experience
Part 4 of 6
Is it any wonder that charity as
almsgiving became a word of shame? Is there any wonder that accepting aid
becomes demeaning? If individualism and self-reliance are supreme values,
dependency implies disgrace. Large numbers of people who are eligible for public
assistance refuse it because their pride—their
belief in individualism and self-help—prevents
it. "I'd rather starve" is a statement sincerely felt by those to whom being
able to stand on one's feet is more important than anything else. (Another
variant appears in ethics courses in the questions about the man who steals a
medicine to save his child's life, rather than let her die because he can't pay
for it. Is the pharmacist culpable for not giving the medicine away in those
circumstances? How could such circumstances exist in the first place?)
The asymmetries of the human condition, the
mismatches of needs and resources, wants and abilities, s and power, are
corrected in three ways: by self-interest; by rights guaranteed by the state;
and by philanthropy.
Welfare Issues
At the turn of the century there was an
intense intellectual struggle to shift the burden of responsibility for such
conditions as poverty from the individual to the society. The struggle has
broadened to become a principal theme of contemporary society; it continues to
be one of the main agenda items of political parties. As many commentators have
observed, the argument has shifted attention from individual responsibilities to
individual rights: Where past generations made claims that were too great for
many individuals to meet, many in the current generation make claims of rights
that exceed the ability of the state to provide.
In 1895, C. S. Loch of the Charity
Organization Society in England said this:
The truest charity often lies in the
righteous fulfillment of duty, whether personal or public; and next to it must
often be placed that charity which is vigilant to see duty done.... Charity that
helps others to do their duty is the most genuine and salutary.
The best way to help people who have
neglected their responsibilities to themselves and to their families is to put
them back on the right track, to call them back to their duty. There is an
assumption that among any number of people who are idle, some are idle by
choice. They are perhaps supported by others—not
by relatives or friends, but by strangers. Some are idle by birth defect,
accident, or lack of opportunity; others are idle by self-indulgence. One
approach is to deal with the problem presented by the idlers (some of whom don't
want our help) by trying to reform them; another is by trying to reform society.
In American history, one can read about the debate under the heading of the
"Social Gospel" movement in the religious literature, and in the histories of
the reforms of progressivism in the political literature.
One can read about this debate more
currently, too, in the pages of To Promote Prosperity, for example, a
study of domestic policy by the Hoover Institution, and in Beyond the Waste
Land, a wide-ranging critique and "democratic alternative to economic
decline . . .'by the three most interesting economists of the left in the United
States—or
any where today' " (according to John Kenneth Galbraith). The Hoover Institution
excerpt that follows deals only with the issue of poverty and welfare; the page
drawn from Beyond the Waste Land is the authors' outline of their
proposed agenda of reform.
TOWARD WELFARE REFORM
Welfare reform is urgently needed. But to
achieve reform there first must be widespread agreement on the general
principles that shape and govern the welfare system. The following four
principles seem eminently reasonable:
1. Most
people can and should take responsibility for supporting themselves and their
families. In the absence of physical or mental impairment, individuals
should perceive that society expects them to support themselves and their
families, and this perception should be reinforced by the operation of the
welfare system.
2.
Short-term help should be available to many; long-term help should be
reserved for a few. A humane welfare system is one that readily provides
temporary and emergency help to those in need. A responsible welfare system is
one that provides permanent help to only the very few who cannot support
themselves.
3. The
welfare system should not encourage the breakup of the family. Family
members should not find it in their economic self-interest to dissolve the
family unit. One of the reasons why families exist in every culture is that
there are economic advantages to specialization and division of labor within the
family. The welfare system should not undermine these advantages.
4. The
goals of the welfare system should be achieved at minimum cost. As with
every other social goal, it is in our self-interest to find the most effective
ways of operating welfare based on these principles.
(Reprinted
from To Promote Prosperity: U.S. Domestic Policy in the Mid-1980's edited by
John H. Moore, with permission of Hoover Institution Press. Copyright 1984 by
the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Jr. University.)
AN ECONOMIC BILL OF RIGHTS
I. Right to Economic Security and Equity
1. Right to a Decent Job
2. Solidarity Wages, Comparable Pay, and
Equal Employment Opportunity
3. Public Childcare and Community Service
Centers
4. A Shorter Standard Work Week and Flexible
Work Hours
5. Flexible Price Controls
II. Right to a Democratic Workplace
6. Public Commitment to Democratic Trade
Unions
7. Workers' Right to Know and to Decide
8. Democratic Production Incentives
9. Promoting Community Enterprises
III. Right to Chart Our Economic
Lives
10. Planning to Meet Human Needs
11. Democratizing Investment
12. Democratic Control of Money
13. Promoting Community Life
14. Environmental Democracy
15. Democratizing Foreign Aid IV. Right to a
Better Way of Life
16. Reduced Military Spending
17. Conservation and Safe Energy
18. Good Food
19. A National Health Policy
20. Lifetime Learning and Cultural
Opportunities
21. Payment for Home Child Care in
Single-Parent Households
22. Community Corrections and Reduced Crime
Control Spending
23. Community Needs Information and Reduced
Advertising Expenditures
24. Equitable Taxation and Public Allocation
of Resources
(Samuel Bowles et al., p.
270)
I chose these two examples, despite their
incomparability, because they are current and because they reflect sharply
contrasting perspectives. I chose them, too, because each of these positions
seems to me to be further from the middle than close to it. More extreme
positions often have the advantage of showing how the consequences of ideas work
themselves out as they are carried further toward their implied
conclusions.
The struggle implicit in "self-help," as
discussed earlier touches the most sensitive nerve of the philanthropic
tradition. The continuing public policy debates are carried on, however, largely
without reference to the philanthropic tradition, or in ways that simply draw on
it for ammunition (by both sides). The issues are so important that they are
considered broadly political—the
Hoover Institution underwrote one study and the Progressive Alliance inspired
and supported the other—yet
there remains great difference of opinion about how directly ideas developed
with philanthropic resources should influence political decisions.
The Dynamic of Philanthropy
The section on the "dialectic" of
philanthropy stressed the tension between paired ideas and values. There is also
a dynamic visible in the tradition, one that struck me first in reading about
the early religious expression of these ideas.
The response to particular suffering amid
widespread suffering probably meant that emotional sensitivity to the needs of
others was a gradual but profoundly significant development. Two kinds of
response may have appeared over the centuries: first, a spontaneous reaching out
beyond the family, clan, or tribe to defenseless strangers; then a move to make
that response more reliable, less quixotic.
My working hypothesis is that there is an
inherent tendency in philanthropy to move from the spontaneous to the planned,
from the impulsive acts of individuals to the organized acts of groups. That
dynamic imposes order and reason on a powerful but notoriously unreliable
emotion.
There is certainly anthropological evidence
that I don't know about that would help to support or disprove such a
hypothesis. The history of religions might reveal, in its study of tithing, how
the voluntary gift was transformed into the coercive power of a tax.
Philosophers could help me out of my confusion about the question of free will
and its place in the voluntary act. Historians will correct my reading of the
emergence of the Poor Laws in England, a still confusing history for the
layperson of public and private, coercive and voluntary measures to cope with
economic and social change. Political economists and others working on problems
of the poor countries of the world are trying to find ways to link relief and
development, to build on acts of mercy to create the means to avoid recurrent
tragedy.
The modern expression of this dynamic is
expressed in language more familiar in western Europe than in the United States:
from "sentiment" or "privilege" to "right." The accepted interpretation of
modern history among Europeans who hold such views sees the emergence first of
basic political rights followed by equally valid basic economic rights.
My hypothesis is intuitive and tentative;
what it seeks to provide is a framework for discussion of certain central issues
for philanthropy: what should be voluntary and private, and what should be the
role of the state. You should also bear in mind what I have passed over, and
thought too little about as yet: how things sometimes flow in the other
direction.
Gathering and Dispensing Organization, Leadership,
Participation
There is another inseparable pair we should
always keep in mind but seldom do: fund raising and grantmaking. Those are the
most familiar aspects of two much more complex forms of philanthropic activity:
Organizing determines the purpose; recruitment brings together the people who
make things work; fund raising is essential to both.
There has been much less attention paid to
the organizational aspects of grantmaking: Edwin Whitehead is only the most
recent millionaire to claim that giving money away is more difficult than
acquiring it in the first place. But planning and organizing are essential
aspects of bringing resources to bear on problems. Without them there will be
harm done rather than good, and certainly there will be waste rather than
efficiency.
Organization requires leadership. The
problems of leadership are important because the genius of American
philanthropy—and
of modern society generally—is
organization. |