Philanthropy as a Right
Part 3 of 3
The best new book that I have seen is by James Douglas, a British
political scientist now teaching at Northwestern University (Why
Charity? The Case for a Third Sector, Sage Publications, Inc.,
1983). Douglas addresses the reasons why a third sector of private
philanthropy and voluntary service exists in the first place. He
analyzes the constraints and the limitations on government and the
marketplace. Economics does not seem to have provided a satisfactory
solution to what Russell Hardin calls "the back of the invisible
hand" or for the paradox of public goods.
There is also a valuable new anthology on America's Voluntary
Spirit (The Foundation Center, 1983), edited by Brian O'Connell, who
also serves as President of the organization called Independent Sector.
Training tends to be found in programs for managers of not-for-profit
organizations or in courses in fundraising. The only systematic degree
training that deals with philanthropy in depth is in social work,
although some business schools address it in courses in corporate social
responsibility.
Let me illustrate my point about the neglect of philanthropy in
general education by referring to recent course catalogues of Amherst
College, The University of Texas at Dallas, and Hofstra University. To
the best of my knowledge, none of these catalogues lists courses making
any reference to charity or philanthropy or the independent sector.
Amherst offers an Economics course entitled "Radical
Perspectives on Capitalism" that does not, according to the hundred
words or so of summary description in the 1980-81 catalogue, make
mention of charity or philanthropy, even to repudiate them. Course 20,
"Economics and Property Rights," discusses "the use of
common property resources ... the historical development of private
property and its regulation ... contracts, and the relationships between
property, equity, individual freedom and the public interest," but
apparently with no reference to philanthropy and the right to donate
private property for public purposes. Political Science 21,
"American Government," makes reference to "the
relationship of private aspirations and public norms," and
Political Science 23, "Political Obligations," mentions
"the obligation to rescue." Political Science 24,
"Politics in Third World Nations," declares that "special
attention will be paid to the problems of human rights and world
hunger." Is there reference in these courses to the work, say, of
the Medical Mission Sisters? To CARE? To Bread for the World? To the
impact of philanthropy on American foreign policy?
There are no courses listed on the literature of charity at Amherst,
but there is a course on the literature of madness.
Amherst, by the way, was founded in 1821. The historian Merle Curti
describes its origins: "Canvassing the small towns of western
Massachusetts, the representatives of Amherst's 'Charity Fund,' as it
was known, were remarkably successful. In less than a year they raised
$37,000 from 274 individuals for most of whom philanthropy of any amount
was a sacrifice." (Merle Curti and Roderick Nash, Philanthropy
in the Shaping of American Higher Education, Rutgers University
Press, 1965, p. 46.) Amherst has developed to the point where it proudly
reports endowments for student aid amounting to more than $6 million
enough from past giving to permit a policy that no student will be
denied admission on the basis of financial need alone.
The only other reference to philanthropy that I could find in the
Amherst catalogue was a bibliographic reference to the interesting
little book, Doing Good. The Limits of Benevolence, mentioned
among a dozen other titles in an interdisciplinary course on
"Perspectives on the Professions." That reference touches, at
least, on what I have in mind: introducing the idea of philanthropy into
courses of general education that violate the sacred precincts of the
specialized disciplines.
As far as I have been able to discover, philanthropy is no more a
part of the education of undergraduates at Hofstra than it is elsewhere.
Social Psychology 159 probably does not deal with dominance and
dependency as an aspect of giving and receiving charity. Social and
Political Philosophy 4 probably does not give much time to philanthropy,
and Introduction to Ethics 11 probably does not use philanthropy to
illustrate the discussion of "ethical progress." English 132
on the nineteenth-century British novel probably does not use Dickens'
satirical attack on charity as practiced in his time as an illustration
of the literature of charity. Political Science 105 on "Public
Policy in the United States" probably does not reveal to students
the extraordinary role played by philanthropy and the independent sector
in shaping American public policy. (This is an oversight that might well
be remedied when the historians Karl and Katz publish the history
mentioned earlier.)
The University of Texas at Dallas is a public institution, upper
division and graduate only. It occupies space largely provided by
individuals associated with Texas Instruments Incorporated and by the
corporation itself, people like Eugene McDermott and Erik Jonsson in
particular.
There is a course at UT Dallas in "The Ethical Conduct of
Business" and another in "Corporations and Politics," but
neither course description makes explicit reference to the growing role
of the corporation in philanthropy or to the relationship of corporate
philanthropy to the formation of public policy. Presumably one turns
instead to History 3366, "Themes in the Social History of the
United States: Race, Class, Sex, and Social Change," "a survey
of social history, focusing on the American experience ... [that]
fulfills one-half of the Texas legislative requirement for six hours in
American history." (It may also indicate what you get when the
legislature takes it upon itself to tell faculty members what to teach.)
I am necessarily tentative in all these sweeping statements about what is
taught about philanthropy to undergraduates, for I have based what I say
merely on the examination of course catalogues and course descriptions and
on the indexes of college textbooks. I welcome evidence that would correct
my impression that philanthropy is simply ignored in the American college
classroom.
My argument has been that philanthropy operates on such an enormous
scale and is so widely diffused in American life that it seems astonishing
that it has failed to capture the attention of the academic community in
the United States. Philanthropy and voluntary service broadly considered
are, in my opinion, vital to the preservation of freedom, but their
operation and purpose and place in our tradition must be taught and
studied and learned if they are to survive. They are, at the moment, not a
system of thought but a confusion of law and custom and attitude and
behavior and organization and simply ignorance. Offering such intellectual
disarray holds out little promise for effective response to other,
competing systems.
One faculty member (a social historian) remarked that "If we did
teach about philanthropy you probably wouldn't like what we taught."
Similar arguments bring out a point of view that sees charity as demeaning
to the recipients and philanthropy either as a means of keeping the poor
in their place or for diverting tax monies to the cultural priorities of
the rich. Corporate giving, in this view, is rejected on the grounds that
it only serves to strengthen an already insidious capitalist influence.
A contrasting position, still widely held by skeptics in the business
community, is that corporations should leave philanthropy to individuals;
they hold the nineteenth-century opinion that "charity has no place
at the board table. " Libertarians, more visible these days if not
more numerous, give such high priority to individualism that they are
suspicious of all social action proposed under the rubric of benevolence.
Let me contrast the neglect of philanthropy with the systematic
attention paid to a contrasting set of values. The Left Academy
(McGraw-Hill: 1982), edited by Edward Vernoff and the well-known,
self-described Marxist political -scientist Bertell Ollman, is a
discipline-by-discipline report on the status of the "Marxist
perspective" on American campuses. In the 1950s such a book title
would have signalled an expose" written by a fervent anticommunist.
Today it is the title of a book that applauds the rise of Marxist views
among university faculty.
"A Marxist cultural revolution is taking place today in American
universities," say the editors in their introduction. They go on to
report the publication of "four Marxist-inspired textbooks in
American government" and the publication of "over fifteen books
on Marx and Marxism" by Oxford, Cambridge, and Princeton university
presses. (The Left Academy, page 1.)
“There are over 400 courses given today in Marxist
philosophy..." according to Ollman and Vernoff. The popularity of
Marxist teaching innovations is not my point, however; the point is the
absence of teaching about the tradition of voluntary service and private
giving in American life. It does indeed make a difference to one's thought
about the American system whether one sees it through eyes that legitimate
philanthropy or through eyes that see legitimacy only in the state. Quite
apart from opinions of the kind I have been describing (and expressing),
philanthropy as it is organized in the United States provides the means
for social change that is an interesting alternative to those to which
other, especially Marxist, societies are limited.
Philanthropy is a subject that touches the life of every student and
every faculty member at every American college. It is easily related to
every discipline of the humanities and social sciences and to professional
studies like medicine, law, and business. It could be taught, and
in my opinion it should be taught, but it is not taught.
Conclusion
The system of charity and philanthropy and voluntary service is at work
in almost every aspect of our lives. We give to it and we receive from it.
We use it to help others and to express our ideas about how life could be
made better for all of us.
The independent sector provides a means by which we can make
corrections in the way our economic, political, and social systems work.
The device permits peaceful change, constantly under way, of an infinite
plurality and complexity as diverse as we are ourselves as a free, open,
and democratic society.
There is reason for the concern that this complex and rich tradition
will not thrive without care and encouragement and understanding. Highly
organized and powerfully funded alternative ideologies are pressing upon
us; we might by default find our system modified significantly while we
are not attending to it. Technical adjustments might be made in tax
policy, in the law regulating not-for-profit organizations, in the
definitions of which organizations are eligible for tax exemption and of
which gifts are eligible for tax deduction, in the boundaries surrounding
corporate contributions, or in the practices of endowed foundations.
Public discourse about the issues that unite and divide us owes much to
the right to raise money and the right to give it. No other society has
been so bold in granting that right and in extending its use. Perhaps no
other society is so free. |